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Notes
Bruce Jansson, The Reluctant Welfare State: A History of American Social Welfare Policies (Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole Publishing Company, 2005) 304-5; 320.
Thomas B. Edsall and Mary D. Edsall, Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights, and Taxes on American Politics (New York: Norton and Company, 1992) 123; 131; 136.
Le pourcentage de prisonniers noirs dans les prisons d’Etat est passé de 35% (toutes personnes de couleur confondues) en 1960 avec un âge médian de 27 à 43,5% en 1979 (Noirs seuls) avec un âge médian de 24,9 ans. Werner Cahalan, Margaret and Lee Anne Parsons. “Historical Corrections Statistics in the United States, 1850 -1984.” United States Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics. Westat Inc., Rockville, Md. December 1986. p.66; 68. Le pourcentage de Noirs dans les prisons d’Etat était de 43% en 1970 selon Langan, Patrick A. “Race of Prisoners Admitted to State and Federal Institutions, 1926-86." United States Department of Justice, Office Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics. 1991. p.5.
Le pourcentage de naissances hors mariage est passé de 34,9% pour les Noirs (comparé à 4,8% pour les Blancs) en 1965-9 à 43% en 1970-4 (comparé à 6% pour les Blancs) et à 51,7% en 1975-9 (comparé à 8,2% pour les Blancs). Akerlof, George A., Janet L. Yellen and Michael L. Katz. “An Analysis of Out-of-Wedlock Childbearing in the United States,” The Quarterly Journal of Economics 111:2 (1996): 283.
William Julius Wilson, The Declining Significance of Race: Blacks and Changing American Institutions. 3rd ed. (1978. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012) 2; 22; 130. Wilson fait une démonstration très détaillée et fouillée de l’émergence de cettte underclass. Il faut cependant noter que le terme ne fait pas l’unanimité. Jennifer Hochschild, notamment, le conteste et préfère le terme de “the estranged poor”.
Karyn R. Lacy, Blue-Chip Black: Race, Class, and Status in the New Black Middle Class. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007) 14.
La définition de la underclass se fait notamment par rapport à la localisation et concerne donc les populations pauvres au comportement qualifié de « dysfonctionnel » ou encore de « pathologique » qui vivent dans des zones urbaines de centre ville (ghetto) avec de fortes concentrations de ce type de comportements (criminalité, toxicomanie, grossesses chez les adolescentes, naissances hors-mariage, et forte proportion d’hommes adultes au chômage, voire hors du marché du travail). Ricketts, Erol R., and Ronald B. Mincy. “Growth of the Underclass: 1970-1980.” The Journal of Human Resources 25, no. 1 (1990): 137.
Bien que la underclass ne représente qu’au plus 4% de la population totale (estimation approximative pour 1980), il y a eu une augmentation spectaculaire de familles vivant sous le seuil de la pauvreté entre 1959 et 1985, et ce notamment pour la population noire qui passe de 38% à 61%. C’est surtout dans les grandes villes industrialisées du Nord-Est qu’on peut observer une concentration de la pauvreté : à New York City la population vivant dans des quartiers que l’on peut qualifier de ghettos a augmenté de 300% entre 1970 et 1980. Pearson, Robert W. “Social Statistics and an American Urban Underclass: Improving the Knowledge Base for Social Policy in the 1990s.” Journal of the American Statistical Association 86, no. 414 (1991): 504–5.
C’est notamment cette augmentation spectaculaire et concentrée qui a contribué à la visibilité du phénomène.
Edsall p.11; 52; 101-2; 154; 211; 234-5.
Edward D. Berkowitz, America’s Welfare State: From Roosevelt to Reagan (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991) 3-4.
Michael B. Katz, The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008) 19.
Edsall 9.
Mark D. Brewer and Jeffrey M. Stonecash, Split: Class and Cultural Divides in American Politics (Washington: CQ Press, 2007) 10.
Martin Gilens, Why Americans Hate Welfare: Race, Media, and the Politics of Antipoverty Policy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999) 3.
Cornel West, Race Matters (1993. New York: Vintage Books, 2001) 157. Robert C. Lieberman, Shaping Race Policy: The United States in Comparative Perspective (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007) 4.
Pour une mise en perspective historique de ce phénomène, voir Feagin, Joe, R. White Party, White Government: Race, Class, and U.S. Politics. New York: Routledge, 2012.
Ralph Waldo Emerson, The Conduct of Life (1866. Boston: Ticknor and Fields, 1868) 71-110.
Jennifer L. Hochschild, Facing Up to the American Dream: Race, Class, and the Soul of the Nation (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1995) 31; 37; 39-40.
Georgia A. Persons, Dilemmas of Black Politics: Issues of Leadership and Strategy (New York: Harper Collins, 1993) 2.
Matthew Levendusky, The Partisan Sort: How Liberals Became Democrats and Conservatives Became Republicans (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009).
John Gerring, Party Ideologies in America: 1828 – 1996 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998) 239-41; 245.
Paul M. Sniderman and Edward G. Carmines Reaching Beyond Race (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1997) 74.
Laura Katz Olson, The Politics of Medicaid (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010) 12.
Eric M. Uslander and Thomas Zittel, “Comparative Legislative Behavior” p.392-408 in The Oxford Handbook of Political Science. Ed. Goodin, Robert E. (2009. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011) 393.
Edsall 69-70. Brewer and Stonecash 42.
Brewer and Stonecash 45. Charles Noble, Welfare As We Knew It: A Political History of the American Welfare State (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997) 111-2.
West 4.
John Harwood, “Don’t Dare Call the Health Law ‘Redistribution’,” The New York Times, 23 Nov. 2013. Consulted 21 Apr. 2015 http://www.nytimes.com/2013/11/24/us/dont-dare-call-the-health-law-redistribution.html. McCain a utilisé le terme “redistributor in chief”.
Sniderman and Carmines 4. Persons 234.
Voir Edsall et Edsall, ou encore Tali Mendelberg.
Sniderman and Carmines 44-5; 78. En effet, les conservateurs s’opposent par principe à toute intervention étatique, sans avoir nécessairement des motivations racistes. La racialisation du discours vise donc primairement des libéraux ou des indépendants.
Brewer and Stonecash 10.
Brewer and Stonecash 117.
Persons 2.
Berkowitz p.xviii.
Robert C. Lieberman, Shifting the Color Line: Race and the American Welfare State (1998) Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001) x.
Parmi les programmes visés se trouvaient principalement l’AFDC (Aid to Families with Dependent Children [allocations pour familles défavorisées]), le CETA (Comprehensive Employment and Training Act [Programme de formations pour adultes et recherche d’emploi]), et l’éligibilité pour Medicaid, notamment restreinte par le Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act de 1981. Katz 57; 65-6; 264.
Edsall 15. Ces réticences viennent de deux facteurs: la peur de stigmatiser encore plus un groupe de personnes déjà fréquemment attaqué et l’idée d’avouer un échec des politiques sociales en admettant qu’il y a de graves problèmes parmi les populations les plus pauvres.
Margaret R. Somers and Fred Block, “From Poverty to Perversity: Ideas, Markets, and Institutions over 200 Years of Welfare Debate,” American Sociological Review Vol. 70 No. 2 (2005): 265; 279.
Edsall 121.
Brewer and Stonecash10; 15.
Wornie L. Reed, “Social Justice in the Age of Obama”, p.193-214 in Race in the Age of Obama. Research in Race and Ethnic Relations. Vol.16. eds. Cunnigen, Donald and Marino A. Bruce (Bingley, UK: Emerald, 2010) 194.
Lawrence D. Bobo, “Somewhere between Jim Crow and Post-Racialism: Reflections on the Racial Divide in America Today.” Daedalus 140:2 (2011): 26.
Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Racism without Racists: Colorblind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in America (Lanham, Md: Rowman and Littlefield, 2014) 259.
“Blacks Upbeat about Black Progress, Prospects: A Year After Obama's Election.” Pew Research Center. January 21, 2010. http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2010/01/12/blacks-upbeat-about-black-progress-prospects/ . Lors de ce sondage, 52% des Noirs ont répondu qu’ils pensaient que le manque de volonté et de responsabilité personnelle était une des causes de l’inégalité économique.
Jansson 273-5.
Jansson 304-5.
Françoise Coste, “Ronald Reagan and a New Partisan Identity: The Case of the Reagan Democrats.” Communication, Colloque, “American Identities: In Relation and Interaction,” Université Toulouse Le Mirail, 10-11 Juin 2010.
Il y avait 22% de Reagan-Democrats en 1980. Reagan a obtenu les voix 54% de la classe ouvrière blanche et 47% des syndiqués. Le score de Jimmy Carter parmi ces électorats traditionnellement Démocrates a été inférieur.
Lieberman 3.
Martin Gilens, Why Americans Hate Welfare: Race, Media, and the Politics of Antipoverty Policy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999) 195.
Françoise Coste, « La longue marche de Ronald Reagan contre le mouvement des droits civiques : une croisade idéologique finalement vaine ? » Communication, journée d’études « Mémoires du mouvement pour les droits civiques ». Université Toulouse-Le Mirail, 28 février 2014.
Françoise Coste, Reagan (Paris, France: Perrin, 2015).
Jansson 308; 332.
Katz 137-8.
Edsall 164; 178; 195. Les Républicains conservateurs ont fait de l’équilibre budgétaire un élément central de leur rhétorique, qui s’est traduit au niveau législatif par l’adoption du Gramm-Rudman-Hollings Deficit Reduction Act en 1985 et du Balanced Budget Act de 1997.
Gerring 244. Les causes de discriminations citées dans le programme sont la race, la religion, le sexe, l’âge, l’origine nationale, l’héritage ethnique, l’orientation sexuelle, ou le handicap.
Ronald Reagan, State of the Union Address 1986. consulted 13.Jan.2014. <http://reagan2020.us/speeches/state_of_the_union_1986.asp>.
Theda Skocpol, Social Policy in the United States: Future Possibilities in Historical Perspective (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1995) 5.
La Social Security est un programme difficile à attaquer car il est perçu comme bénéficiant principalement aux personnes âgées blanches et le programme est vu comme quelque chose que l’on mérite en raison des contributions versées.
Martin Gilens a spécifiquement étudié le lien entre la représentation médiatique de la pauvreté par des personnes avec un visage noir depuis les années 1960 et l’association faite entre communauté noire et « undeserving poor ».
Il y avait déjà depuis la présidence de Roosevelt une différence assez marquée entre les Démocrates du Nord et ceux du Sud, particulièrement concernant leurs attitudes vis-à-vis des minorités, en raison de la ségrégation légale imposée par les Démocrates dans les Etats du Sud après la Reconstruction. C’est après les élections présidentielles de 1960 et surtout 1964 que les Démocrates du Sud ont commencé à se tourner vers le Parti républicain.
Jansson 364. Edsall 12; 71; 138; 144; 211.
Ronald Reagan: « Inaugural Address, » January 20, 1981. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. <http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=43130>.
Jon Hurwitz and Mark Peffley, “Playing the Race Card in the Post-Willie Horton Era: The Impact of Racialized Code Words on Support for Punitive Crime Policy.” Public Opinion Quarterly 69:1 (2005): 101.
Jansson 325-8.
George H. W. Bush: « Inaugural Address, » January 20, 1989. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. <http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=16610 >. La formulation utilisée par George H. W. Bush est : « The old solution, the old way, was to think that public money alone could end these problems. But we have learned that that is not so. »
Edsall 277.
Bill Clinton dans la préface à Al From, The New Democrats and the Return to Power (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013) ix-x.
From 124.
Katz 20; 267. Noble 126-7. Edsall 52.
Edsall 176.
William J. Clinton: « Address Before a Joint Session of Congress on Administration Goals, » February 17, 1993. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. Consulted 12. Dec. 2013. <http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=47232>.
Theodore J. Lowi, Benjamin Ginsberg, and Kenneth A. Shepsle. American Government: Freedom and Power. (1990. New York: Norton and Company, 2006) 212.
Katz Olson 2.
La façon de procéder de Bill Clinton avait aussi été critiquée par son propre parti. En effet, la réforme a été dirigée par la Maison Blanche avec la mise en place d’un comité de réforme. (Lawrence, Jacob R. and Robert Y. Shapiro. Politicians Don’t Pander: Political Manipulation and the Loss of Democratic Responsiveness. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000. p.91) Le fait que ce comité avait été placé sous la direction de la Première Dame Hillary Clinton avait encore plus exacerbé le sentiment du Congrès d’avoir été laissé de côté. Starr, Paul. Remedy and Reaction: The Peculiar American Struggle over Health Care Reform. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011 p.81; 124). Obama a tiré les leçons de cet échec et remis l’élaboration de la réforme au Congrès.
Skocpol 8.
Jansson 381-3.
Jerry Watts and Nan Marie Astone, « The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 by the 104th Congress of the United States, » Contemporary Sociology Vol. 26 No.4 (1997): 409; 414. Smidtz et Goodin 104.
Jansson 405; 422.
Edsall 20; 152; 170.
Republican Party Platforms: « Republican Party Platform of 2000, » July 31, 2000. Consulted 14. Jan. 2014. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project <http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=25849> 8.
Republican Party Platforms: « Republican Party Platform of 2004, » August 30, 2004. Consulted 14. Jan. 2014. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. <http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=25850> 54.
Ed.gov. The No Child Left Behind Act of 2001. U.S. Department of Education. 7 Jan. 2002. Web. 10 Oct. 2010. http://www2.ed.gov/nclb/overview/intro/execsumm.pdf>.
Richard D. Kahlenberg, “Fixing No Child Left Behind” The Century Foundation. 2009. 11 Oct. 2010. http://www.tcf.org/publications/education/agenda_rk.pdf.> 4. Il faut remarquer que le non-versement des fonds alloués révèle un décalage flagrant entre la rhétorique de la compassion et la politique réelle de G. W. Bush. Ceci est juste un point critiqué et critiquable parmi de nombreux autres. En revanche, la rhétorique de la réforme se voulait très constructive et non pas punitive.
Ed.gov. Recovery Act. U.S. Department of Education. N.d. Consulted. 16 Feb. 2011. http://www.ed.gov/recovery>.
Republican party platform 2004 p.1; 62. L’hommage à Reagan dans le programme est très certainement lié en partie à son décès au mois de juin de la même année.
2004 Bush platform 46-7.
George W. Bush, “State of the Union Address”. 27 January 2001. Consulted 12.12.13 Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www.let.rug.nl/usa/presidents/george-w-bush/state-of-the-union-2001.php
History, Art, and Archives: United States House of Representatives. Barbara Jordan. Consulted 12. Dec. 2014. http://history.house.gov/People/Listing/J/JORDAN,-Barbara-Charline-%28J000266%29/
From 76.
W.E.B. Du Bois “The Conservation of Races” in Back, Les and John Solomons, eds. Theories of Race and Racism: A Reader. 2nd ed. (London: Routledge, 2009) 109.
W.E.B. Du Bois, The Soul of Black Folk (ed. Jim Manis, 2006. Electronic Classic Series. Hazelton, PA: PSU, 2014) 134.
Wilson 125.
Malcolm X, By Any Means Necessary (1970; New York: Pathfinder, 1992) 175.
Black Panther Party Platform 1966. Columbia American History Online. Consulted 12. Dec. 2014. http://caho-test.cc.columbia.edu/ps/10127.html
Clarence Thomas, My Grandfather’s Son: A Memoir (2007; New York: Harper Perennial, 2008) 56-7; 73; 106-7; 130.
Barack Obama, The Audacity of Hope (2006; Edinburgh: Canongate Books, 2008) 52.
Liliana L. Herakova, Dijana Jelača, Razvan Sibii, and Leda Cooks, “Voicing Silence and Imagining Citizenship: Dialogues about Race and Whiteness in a “Postracial” Era,” Communication Studies 62:4 (2011): 372-3.
Pour plus de détails concernant ces théories politiques noires voir, par exemple:
Cornel West, Race Matters (1993. New York: Vintage Books, 2001). Manning Marable and Kristin Clarke, eds. Barack Obama and African American Empowerment: The Rise of Black America’s New Leadership (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2009). Georgia A. Persons, Dilemmas of Black Politics: Issues of Leadership and Strategy (New York: Harper Collins, 1993).
Barack Obama, « Prepared Remarks of President Barack Obama: Back to School Event, » 08. Sept. 2009. Consulted 18. Nov. 2013. < http://www.whitehouse.gov/MediaResources/PreparedSchoolRemarks/ >.
Barack Obama, « Remarks by the President on Education Reform at the National Urban League Centennial Conference, » 29. Jul. 2010. Consulted 18. Nov. 2013. < http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/remarks-presdient-education-reform-national-urban-league-centennial-conference >.
Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of 2010. Title 1 Subtitle F, Part I « Individual Responsibility » Sec. 1501 « Requirement to maintain minimum essential coverage, » and Title 1, Part A, Subpart II sec. 2713 « Coverage of preventive health services. »
Affordable Care Act. Title I subtitle F « Shared Responsibility » Part I
Affordable Care Act, Title I subtitle F « Shared Responsibility » Part II
Obama, Urban League Centennial Conference.
Obama, Audacity of Hope 63.
Barack Obama, « Remarks by the President to the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce on a Complete and Competitive American Education, » 10. March 2009. Consulted 18. Nov. 2013. <http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/remars-president-united-states-hispanic-chamber-commerce >.
Obama, Audacity of Hope 244.
Jansson 381-3.
Affordable Care Act. Title I Subtitle C « Quality health insurance for all Americans » Part I « Health insurance Market Reforms, » and Subtitle D « Available coverage choices for all Americans » Part I « Establishment of qualified health plans » and Part IV « State flexibility to establish alternative programs » Sec. 1331. « State flexibility to establish basic health programs for low-income individuals not eligible for Medicaid. »
Affordable Care Act. Title I, Part I, Subpart A, Sec. 1401 and sec.1402. Cette clause prévoit des taux différents de subventions pour les foyers ayant des revenus entre 100% et 400% du niveau de pauvreté.
Smidtz and Goodin 107. Dans ces catégories on trouve par exemple les enfants, les personnes agées et les infirmes.
Edsall 278-9.
Gilens 2.
Obama, Back to School Event.
Obama, Urban League Centennial Conference.
National Federation of Independent Business et Al. v. Sebelius, Secretary of Health and Human Services 648 F. 3d 1235 2012.
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